f the
soldiers in favour of the present establishment; a prejudice represented
so powerful, both in our own forces, and those of our enemies, that the
future success of our arms may probably depend upon it.

Surely, my lords, that cause may be allowed indefensible, which such a
patron defends so weakly. What can be more chimerical than to imagine
that men would lay down their arms, and forsake their standards, because
there are twenty more in a company than have formerly been? That such a
panick, from such a cause, was never found, I need not prove; and I
scarce think it necessary to assert, that, without supposing a universal
depravity of reason, it never can be found.

The establishment proposed by the noble duke, is the same with that of
most foreign troops, and particularly with that of his majesty's forces
in his foreign dominions, and, therefore, cannot but be approved by him,
if it should be proposed by your lordships. For why should he imagine a
greater number of officers necessary to the troops of Britain, than to
those of any other nation.

The expediency of the motion, my lords, is, in my opinion, so obvious
and incontestable, as to require no farther consideration, and,
therefore, it is no argument against it, that we were not previously
informed of the question.

Much less, my lords, can I discover the force of the assertion, that by
such a resolution we shall excite the displeasure of the other house; we
have, my lords, at least, an equal right with them to examine any
position relating to the publick security, a right which we may exert
with less danger of disgusting them, while they have yet formed no
determination, and with less danger to the nation, than when their
opinion, whatever it may be, cannot be controverted without retarding
the important bill against mutiny.

We are never offended, my lords, at receiving the opinions of the other
house, which we often adopt without any alteration, and often make use
of for our own instruction, and now are become so contemptible as that
no regard should be paid by them to our resolutions.

It is well known, my lords, that this assembly is an essential and
constituent part of the legislature of this kingdom, and that we
received from our ancestors a great extent of power, which it ought to
be our care not to suffer to be contracted by degrees, till this
assembly shall become merely formal, and sit only to ratify implicitly
the determinations of the other