der experience, and his personal share in some chapters
of the modern history of Europe and its changes, planted him on a height
whence he commanded a view of possibilities (M90) and necessities, of
hopes and of risks, that were unseen by politicians of the beaten track.
Like a pilot amid wandering icebergs, or in waters where familiar buoys
had been taken up and immemorial beacons put out, he scanned the scene
with keen eyes and a glass sweeping the horizon in every direction. No
wonder that his words seemed vague, and vague they undoubtedly were.
Suppose that Cavour had been obliged to issue an election address on the
eve of the interview at Plombieres, or Bismarck while he was on his visit
to Biarritz. Their language would hardly have been pellucid. This was no
moment for ultimatums. There were too many unascertained elements. Yet
some of those, for instance, who most ardently admired President Lincoln
for the caution with which he advanced step by step to the abolition
proclamation, have most freely censured the English statesman because he
did not in the autumn of 1885 come out with either a downright Yes or a
point-blank No. The point-blank is not for all occasions, and only a
simpleton can think otherwise.

In September Mr. Childers--a most capable administrator, a zealous
colleague, wise in what the world regards as the secondary sort of wisdom,
and the last man to whom one would have looked for a plunge--wrote to Mr.
Gladstone to seek his approval of a projected announcement to his
constituents at Pontefract, which amounted to a tolerably full-fledged
scheme of home rule.(152) In view of the charitable allegation that Mr.
Gladstone picked up home rule after the elections had placed it in the
power of the Irish either to put him into office or to keep him out of
office, his reply to Mr. Childers deserves attention:--

_To Mr. Childers._

_Sept. 28, 1885._--I have a decided sympathy with the general scope
and spirit of your proposed declaration about Ireland. If I offer
any observations, they are meant to be simply in furtherance of
your purpose.

1. I would disclaim giving any exhaustive list of Imperial
subjects, and would not "put my foot down" as to revenue, but
would keep plenty of elbow-room to keep all customs and excise,
which would probably be found necessary.

2. A general disclaimer of particulars as to the form of any local
legislature might suffice,