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ome more carefully outlined and more commonly
understood principles of judgment to lead us to decisions, when a
thing we believe it good to do or a law we desire to set in place and
in operation call upon us for support, as to the best way of using
that support. Whether to try for a federal amendment or a national
statute, whether to work wholly within each State, or whether it is
matter which so depends upon local sentiment and local cooeperation
that each smallest community centre must work out its own salvation,
or secure its own advance in independent work,--this is the problem.
=Comparison Between National and Local Effort.=--One reason why some
elements of social progress lag behind others which are not more
firmly believed in is that confusion of effort has followed the
contrary forms of attack upon the national, the state, or the local
governments for the furtherance of the object in which all parties
believe. Instances are not needed in this connection for every person
who has worked or who desires to work for social betterment finds this
question at the gateway of organized effort. Shall one turn to the
centralizing tendency in political life of our country for support of
a given measure, or shall one make a breakwater in that tendency and
concentrate attention upon the smaller political units?
=Preferential Voting.=--The second problem of political science and
art which presses upon the attention of our electorate is one which is
bound up in methods of selection and election of our legislators and
executives. The ever-recurring question of, "For whom shall we
vote?"--rests back upon the deeper question, "For whom shall we have a
chance to vote?" The primary was supposed to end the acknowledged
corruption and inadequacy of the caucus system. The primary is an
advance on the secret caucus with its choice of men for the highest
office by a few partisan politicians only, whose business it is to
keep party lines strong and to make them carry their candidate into
office. The primary, however, we see, is a very expensive method and
open to many dangers, and progressive students of political methods
are not satisfied with it. Why can we not move, and strongly, for
preferential voting? For some plan by which it shall be the public
purse only which secures the necessary printing and circularizing for
required information, and no personal differences in wealth shall have
any weight in the listing of names on the ball
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