mind. And in the second place, it is believed to perform
very inefficiently its primary function of criticising and controlling
the action of Government.

First of all, why do men vaguely feel that the House of Commons is
unrepresentative? I think there are three main reasons. The first is to
be found in the method of election. Since 1885 the House has been
elected by equal electoral districts, each represented by a single
member. Now, if we suppose that every constituency was contested by two
candidates only, about 45 per cent. of the voters must feel that they
had not voted for anybody who sat at Westminster; while many of the
remaining 55 per cent. must feel that they had been limited to a choice
between two men, neither of whom truly represented them. But if in many
constituencies there are no contests, and in many others there are three
or more candidates, the number of electors who feel that they have not
voted for any member of the House may rise to 60 per cent. or even 70
per cent. of the total.

The psychological effect of this state of things must be profound. And
there is another consideration. The very name of the House of Commons
(Communes, not common people) implies that it represents organised
communities, with a character and personality and tradition of their
own--boroughs or counties. So it did until 1885. Now it largely
represents totally unreal units which exist only for the purpose of the
election. The only possible means of overcoming these defects
of the single member system is some mode of proportional
representation--perhaps qualified by the retention of single members in
those boroughs or counties which are just large enough to be entitled to
one member.

The main objection taken to proportional representation is that it would
probably involve small and composite majorities which would not give
sufficient authority to ministries. But our chief complaint is that the
authority of modern ministries is too great, their power too unchecked.
In the middle of the nineteenth century, when our system worked most
smoothly, parties _were_ composite, and majorities were small--as they
usually ought to be, if the real balance of opinion in the country is to
be reflected. The result was that the control of Parliament over the
Cabinet was far more effective than it is to-day; the Cabinet could not
ride roughshod over the House; and debates really influenced votes, as
they now scarcely ever do. The immense