overed that at
certain tides or seasons there were deposited on the beach quantities of
black sand, mingled with which were particles of gold. Nineteen men
formed a company to take up a claim and work the supposedly exhaustless
deposit. An expert report declared that the sand measured would yield
each of the men the modest sum of $43,000,000. Great excitement stirred
San Francisco and eight vessels left with adventurers. But it soon was
found that black sand was scarce and gold much more so. For some time it
paid something, but as a lure it soon failed.

When I was first there I was tremendously impressed when shown at the
level of the beach, beneath the bluff and its growing trees, an embedded
redwood log. It started the imagination on conjectures of when and where
it had been clad in beauty as part of a living landscape.

An interesting conclusion to this experience was traveling over the
state with Charles Maltby, appointed to succeed my friend, to turn over
the property of the department. He was a personal friend of President
Lincoln, and he bore a striking resemblance to him and seemed like him
in character.

In 1883 a nominee for the Assembly from San Francisco declined the
honor, and it devolved on a group of delegates to select a candidate in
his place. They asked me to run, and on the condition that I should
solicit no votes and spend no money I consented. I was one of four
Republicans elected from San Francisco. In the entire state we were
outnumbered about four to one. But politics ordinarily cuts little
figure. The only measure I introduced provided for the probationary
treatment of juvenile delinquents through commitment to an unsectarian
organization that would seek to provide homes. I found no opposition in
committee or on the floor. When it was reached I would not endanger its
passage by saying anything for it. It passed unanimously and was
concurred in by the Senate. My general conclusion is that the average
legislator is ready to support a measure that he feels is meritorious
and has no other motive than the general good.

We were summoned in extra session to act on matters affecting the
railroads. It was at a time when they were decidedly in politics. The
Central Pacific was generally credited with controlling the legislative
body of the state. A powerful lobby was maintained, and the company was
usually able to thwart the passage of any legislation the political
manager considered detrimental to