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st sign of good company,--and for the simple reason, that no one sought to infringe. There was no cause for insolence, or for what in England is called "exclusiveness," because there was no necessity to repel any disposition to encroach. No one dreamed of the possibility of encroaching upon his neighbor's grounds, or of taking, in the slightest degree, his neighbor's place. The first French Revolution caused no such sudden and total disruption of the old social traditions as has been generally supposed; and as far as mere social intercourse and social conventionalities were concerned, there was, even amongst the terrible popular dictators of 1793, more of the _tone_ of the _ci-devant_ good company than could possibly be imagined. In later times, every one who knew Fouche remembers that he was constantly in the habit of expressing his indignation at the want of good-breeding of the young exquisites of the Empire, and used perpetually to exclaim, "In _my time_" this or that "would not have been allowed," or, "In _my_ time we were accustomed to do" so and so. Now Fouche's "time" was that which is regarded as the period of universal beheading and levelling. It is certain, that, under the _regime_ of the Revolution itself, bitter class-hatreds did not at first show themselves in the peaceful atmosphere of society,--and that for more than one reason. First of all, in a certain sense, "society," it may be said, was _not_. Next, what subsisted of society was fragmentary, and was formed by small isolated groups or coteries, pretty homogeneously composed, or, when not so as to rank and station, rendered homogeneous by community of suffering. It must not be imagined that only the highest class in France paid for its opinions or its vanities with loss of life and fortune. The victims were everywhere; for the changes in the governing forces were so perpetual, that, more or less, every particular form of envy and hatred had its day of power, and levelled its blows at the objects of its special antipathy. In this way, the aristocracy and the _bourgeoisie_ were often brought into contact; marriages even were contracted, whether during imprisonment or under the pressure of poverty, that never would have been dreamt of in a normal state of things; and whilst parents of opposite conditions shook hands in the scaffold-surveying _charrettes_, the children either drew near to each other, in a mutual helpfulness, the principle whereof was
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