ion to the other revolution now going on in our
midst--'succeeded in committing an undecided and fluctuating majority to
courses for which they had little love, and leading them step by step to
a position from which it was impossible to recede.'[63] Nearly one-half
of the Revolutionary army consisted of Irish, who have ever since played
so important a part in the politics of the United States.

In the present day, our colonists do not seek for separation,
neither--if Mr. Froude is right--do they ask for representation at
Westminster. They 'are passionately attached to their Sovereign,' and
they desire that their Governors 'should be worthy always of the great
person whom they represent.' They wish to have their trade encouraged,
as it might so easily have been a few years ago, if we had possessed
foresight enough to adopt a system of differential duties; they wish to
have good immigrants, and they see the growing necessity for a strong
navy. The information on these subjects which Baron Huebner acquired
should be considered in connection with Mr. Froude's statements. It will
be found that the two writers substantially agree. Baron Huebner found
that the Australian colonists fully comprehend the disadvantage which
complete independence would be to them. They are practically independent
now, but they are spared the political and social turmoil in which the
periodical election of a President would necessarily involve them. 'The
Queen,' said one of the Baron's friends, 'sends every five years a
Governor, who is not an autocrat like the President of the United
States, but the representative of constitutional royalty. In America
every four years, business is arrested, public order is disturbed, and
passions are let loose to the point sometimes of threatening even public
life itself. And why? In order that the nation may elect an absolute
master, irremovable by law during his period of office. Here every one
understands this, and every one knows how to leave well alone.' We do
not quite see how the President of the United States can be described as
an 'autocrat' or as an 'absolute master,' but the Australians are right
in their conclusion, that the American system would be a sorry
substitute for the arrangement which gives them a Governor without
inconvenience to themselves, and without any risk of infringement upon
their liberties.

In the Cape Colony, the problem presents itself in a different form. In
its origin--as everyb