itles are given at the conclusion of the prescribed
university course; the former to medical students, the latter to
students of other faculties.]

Yet the Government in its stubbornness refused to make concessions, and
when it was forced to make them, it did so rather in its own interest
than in that of the Jews. Owing to the scarcity of medical help in the
army and in the interior, ukases issued in 1865 and 1867 declared Jewish
physicians, even without the title of Doctor of Medicine, to be
admissible to the medical corps and later on to civil service in all
places of the Empire, except the capitals St. Petersburg and Moscow.
Nevertheless, the extension of the plain right of domicile, without
admission to civil service, remained for a long time dependent on a
learned degree. It was only after two decades of hesitation that the law
of January 19, 1879, conferred the right of universal residence on _all_
categories of persons with a higher education, regardless of the nature
of the diploma, and also including pharmacists, dentists,
_feldshers_, [1] and midwives.

[Footnote 1: From the German _Feldscherer_, a sort of combination of
leech, first-aid, and barber, who frequently gave medical advice.]

The privileges bestowed upon the big merchants and "titled"
intellectuals affected but a few small groups of the Jewish population.
The authorities now turned their attention to the mass of the people,
and, in accordance with its rules of political homoeopathy, commenced to
pick from it a handful of persons for better treatment. The question of
admitting Jewish artisans into the Russian interior occupied the
Government for a long time. In 1856 Lanskoy, the Minister of the
Interior, entered into an official correspondence concerning this matter
with the governors-general and governors of the Western provinces. Most
of the replies were favorable to the idea of conferring upon Jewish
artisans the right of universal residence. Of the three governors-general
whose opinion had been invited the governor-general of Vilna was the
only one who thought that the present situation needed no change. His
colleague of Kiev, Count Vasilchikov, was, on the contrary, of the
opinion that it would be a rational measure to transfer the surplus of
Jewish artisans who were cooped up within the Pale and had been
pauperized by excessive competition to the interior governments where
there was a scarcity of skilled labor. [1]

[Footnote 1: The offici