t, it was his duty, from the situation in which he
stood, to state fully his own sentiments on the question; and, however
exhausted both he and the house might be, he was resolved it should not
pass without discussion, as long as he had strength to utter a word upon
it. Every principle, that could bind a man of honour and conscience, would
impel him to give the most powerful support he could to the motion for the
abolition.

The motion of Mr. Pitt was assented to, and the house was adjourned
accordingly.

On the next day the subject was resumed. Sir William Yonge rose, and said,
that, though he differed from the honourable mover, he had much admired his
speech of the last evening. Indeed the recollection of it made him only the
more sensible of the weakness of his own powers; and yet, having what he
supposed to be irrefragable arguments in his possession, he felt emboldened
to proceed.

And, first, before he could vote for the abolition, he wished to be
convinced, that, whilst Britain were to lose, Africa would gain. As for
himself, he hated a traffic in men, and joyfully anticipated its
termination at no distant period under a wise system of regulation: but he
considered the present measure as crude and indolent; and as precluding
better and wiser measures, which were already in train. A British
Parliament should attain not only the best ends, but by the wisest means.

Great Britain might abandon her share of this trade, but she could not
abolish it. Parliament was not an assembly of delegates from the powers of
Europe, but of a single nation. It could not therefore suppress the trade;
but would eventually aggravate those miseries incident to it, which every
enlightened man must acknowledge, and every good man must deplore. He
wished the traffic for ever closed. But other nations were only waiting for
our decision, to seize the part we should leave them. The new projects of
these would be intemperate; and, in the zeal of rivalship, the present
evils of comparatively sober dealing would be aggravated beyond all
estimate in this new and heated auction of bidders for life and limb. We
might indeed by regulation give an example of new principles of policy and
of justice; but if we were to withdraw suddenly from this commerce, like
Pontius Pilate, we should wash our hands indeed, but we should not be
innocent as to the consequences.

On the first agitation of this business, Mr. Wilberforce had spoken
confidently of oth