nce, Sweden, Norway, Greece, the United States, and England
itself.

I can state it, as known to me, with the certainty of matter of fact,
that Hungary will never accept the Hapsburgs as legitimate sovereigns in
the future, nor ever enter into any new moral relations with that
perjurious family. Nor only so; but their perjury has so entirely
plucked out of my nation's heart all faith in monarchy and all
attachment to it, that there is no power on earth to knit the broken tie
again: and therefore Hungary wishes and wills to be a free and
independent republic,--a republic founded on the rule of law, securing
social order, guaranteeing person, property, the moral development as
well as material welfare of the people,--in a word, a republic like that
of the United States, founded on institutions inherited from England
itself. This is the conviction of my people, which I share in the very
heart of my heart.

* * * * *

III.--COMMUNISM AND THE SIBYLLINE BOOKS.

[_From Kossuth's Second Speech at Manchester, Nov. 12th_, 1851.]

I can understand Communism, but not Socialism. I have read many books on
the subject, I have consulted many doctors; but they differ so much that
I never could understand what they really mean. However, the only sense
which I can see in socialism, is inconsistent with social order and the
security of property.

Now since France has three times in sixty years failed to obtain
practical results from Political revolutions, all Europe is apt to press
forward into new Social doctrine to regulate the future. Believing then,
that,--not from my merit, but from the state of my country,--I may be
able somewhat to influence the course of the next European revolution, I
think it right plainly to declare beforehand my allegiance to the great
principle of security for personal property. Nevertheless, to give
success to my endeavours in this direction, the rational expectations of
the nations of Europe must speedily be fulfilled; else neither I, nor
more important men, can avail to stay revolutionary movement. The danger
of the case may be illustrated by the ancient story of the Sibylline
books.

Take Hungary as an instance. Three years ago we should have been
extremely well contented with the laws as made by our parliament in
1848, _which laws did not break the tie between us and the house of
Hapsburg_. But then Austria assailed us with arms, and it became
impossible for us to g