n as Kossuth to transact their political business, and
conduct their correspondence. Acting in this capacity for many members
of the Diet, Kossuth came into intimate relations with the _comitats_,
and acquired skill in public affairs.
He was soon himself made a member, and from the first was distinguished
in the Diet as a speaker. Here he felt, and soon pointed out to his
colleagues, how idle and powerless were their debates unless these were
known to the public in some more efficient manner than by the private
correspondence of the deputies. Influenced by his representations, the
chief members of the Diet resolved to establish a journal for the
publication of their discussions; and Kossuth was selected as one of
those who were to preside over it; but the Archduke Palatine objected,
of course, because the object was to curtail the reports and garble
them. Kossuth, however, was enabled by the more liberal of his
colleagues to publish the reports on his own account. He then extended
the journal by the insertion of leading articles; and his counsels and
criticisms on the instructions of the _comitats_ to the deputies, so
stirred the bile and counteracted the views of the Austrian authorities,
that they interfered and suspended his newspaper by seizing his presses.
But, even this did not stop his pen, nor those of his many amanuenses;
until, at last, Metternich, exasperated by his obstinacy, caused him to
be seized and condemned to three years' imprisonment in the citadel of
Ofen. He was liberated in 1837; and during the years that elapsed
between that epoch and 1848 the history of Hungary was that of Kossuth,
who, amidst the many men of noble birth, wealth, high character, and
singular talents, who surrounded him, still held his ground, and shone
pre-eminent. In 1847 he was the acknowledged leader of the
constitutional party, and member for the Hungarian capital. It is
unnecessary to pursue this narrative. The events of 1848 and 1849 have
passed too recently and vividly before us to need relation. The part
that Kossuth played in those years was but the logical consequence of
his previous life. The struggle was for the rights of Hungary, in all
circumstances and against all foes. For these he fought along with the
Hungarian aristocracy, as long as they had the courage to resist
Austria; and when they wavered, he went on without them, appealing to
the _comitats_ and to the smaller landed proprietors in the absence of
the gr
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