mmon sense, that our Federal Union will
not crumble as the empires of the past have done, and as the political
prophets of Europe, casting the horoscope of nations in the shadows of
their own political fragmentarism, have predicted for us? Even should
the rebels South be chastised, and the Union restored for the present,
have we solid reasons for believing in the permanency of our
institutions? What is the warrant for our faith that American destiny
comprehends the principle of American unity?

People contract habits of thought in a great measure from the nature of
the institutions which surround them. Europe could think nothing but
feudalism at one time; she had no conception of religion outside the
Church of Rome. The Turk thinks by the standard of political absolutism
and the Moslem faith. The reflections of every people are cast in the
national mould; it is so the world over, and has been so in all times.
Europe, or at least a very influential portion thereof, thinks that the
'balance of power' system will yet be inaugurated among the family of
nations yet to spring up on this continent. Her people think balance of
power, and the London _Times_ and like organs of the existing polity
write balance of power for our edification, and for the future of
America. They cannot conceive that there is any other way to get along
for any considerable length of time. In like manner is it
concluded--keeping up the old trains of thought--that if nations once
fell into fragments when shaken, they will do just so again.

Now, perhaps we have contracted habits of thought from the character of
our country and her institutions, and are deceiving ourselves with hopes
which have no real foundation. These, we believe, are considerations
which have engaged the attention of every reflecting man; and it
behooves us, as intelligent Americans and members of a young nation of
hitherto unexampled prosperity and promise, to be able to give a reason
for the faith that is in us.

There are changes and crises in the course and destiny of political
systems. The conditions of one period of time are different from the
conditions of another period. Different conditions necessitate different
political systems. Feudalism did not last always; European diplomacy is
only three hundred years old. If Europe, out of her peculiar situation,
originated the doctrine of balance of power, thus innovating upon the
past, may not we, owing to the novelty of our situat