l be the entire world, to deal a final blow to
British and American capitalism (_The Times_, July 30, 1920).

The war here prophesied, if it ever takes place, will be one compared
to which the late war will come to seem a mere affair of outposts.
Those who realize the destructiveness of the late war, the devastation
and impoverishment, the lowering of the level of civilization
throughout vast areas, the general increase of hatred and savagery,
the letting loose of bestial instincts which had been curbed during
peace--those who realize all this will hesitate to incur inconceivably
greater horrors, even if they believe firmly that Communism in itself
is much to be desired. An economic system cannot be considered apart
from the population which is to carry it out; and the population
resulting from such a world-war as Moscow calmly contemplates would
be savage, bloodthirsty and ruthless to an extent that must make any
system a mere engine of oppression and cruelty.

This brings us to our third question: Is the system which Communists
regard as their goal likely to result from the adoption of their
methods? This is really the most vital question of the three.

Advocacy of Communism by those who believe in Bolshevik methods rests
upon the assumption that there is no slavery except economic slavery,
and that when all goods are held in common there must be perfect
liberty. I fear this is a delusion.

There must be administration, there must be officials who control
distribution. These men, in a Communist State, are the repositories of
power. So long as they control the army, they are able, as in Russia
at this moment, to wield despotic power even if they are a small
minority. The fact that there is Communism--to a certain extent--does
not mean that there is liberty. If the Communism were more complete,
it would not necessarily mean more freedom; there would still be
certain officials in control of the food supply, and these officials
could govern as they pleased so long as they retained the support of
the soldiers. This is not mere theory: it is the patent lesson of the
present condition of Russia. The Bolshevik theory is that a small
minority are to seize power, and are to hold it until Communism is
accepted practically universally, which, they admit, may take a long
time. But power is sweet, and few men surrender it voluntarily. It is
especially sweet to those who have the habit of it, and the habit
becomes most ingra