orrect, others have it
not; but what is worse, they charge us with the very design of which
we accuse him. Those actions of Cosmo which lead us to suspect him are,
that he lends money indiscriminately, and not to private persons
only, but to the public; and not to Florentines only, but to the
_condottieri_, the soldiers of fortune. Besides, he assists any
citizen who requires magisterial aid; and, by the universal interest
he possesses in the city, raises first one friend and then another to
higher grades of honor. Therefore, to adduce our reasons for expelling
him, would be to say that he is kind, generous, liberal, and beloved
by all. Now tell me, what law is there which forbids, disapproves, or
condemns men for being pious, liberal, and benevolent? And though they
are all modes adopted by those who aim at sovereignty, they are not
believed to be such, nor have we sufficient power to make them to be
so esteemed; for our conduct has robbed us of confidence, and the city,
naturally partial and (having always lived in faction) corrupt, cannot
lend its attention to such charges. But even if we were successful in
an attempt to expel him (which might easily happen under a favorable
Signory), how could we (being surrounded by his innumerable friends, who
would constantly reproach us, and ardently desire to see him again in
the city) prevent his return? It would be impossible for they being so
numerous, and having the good will of all upon their side, we should
never be secure from them. And as many of his first discovered friends
as you might expel, so many enemies would you make, so that in a short
time he would return, and the result would be simply this, that we had
driven him out a good man and he had returned to us a bad one; for his
nature would be corrupted by those who recalled him, and he, being under
obligation, could not oppose them. Or should you design to put him to
death, you could not attain your purpose with the magistrates, for his
wealth, and the corruption of your minds, will always save him. But let
us suppose him put to death, or that being banished, he did not return,
I cannot see how the condition of our republic would be ameliorated; for
if we relieve her from Cosmo, we at once make her subject to Rinaldo,
and it is my most earnest desire that no citizen may ever, in power and
authority, surpass the rest. But if one of these must prevail, I know of
no reason that should make me prefer Rinaldo to Cosmo.