propositions that I have submitted as proper to be
added to the report of the majority.

But, sir, I must insist, that if amendments to the Constitution are
required at all, it is better that they should be proposed and
considered in a General Convention. Although I do not regard this
Conference as exactly unconstitutional, it is certainly a bad
precedent. It is a body nominally composed of representatives of the
States, and is called to urge upon Congress propositions of amendment
to the Constitution. Its recommendations will have something of force
in them; it will undoubtedly be claimed for them in Congress that they
possess such force. I do not like to see an irregular body sitting by
the side of a legislative body and attempting to influence its
action.

Again, all the States are not here. Oregon and California--the great
Pacific dominions with all their wealth and power, present and
prospective--have not been consulted at all. Will it be replied that
all the States can vote upon the amendments? That is a very different
thing from proposing them. California and Oregon may have interests of
their own to protect, propositions of their own to make. Is it right
for us to act without consulting them? I will go for a convention,
because I believe it is the best way to avoid civil war.

Mr. WICKLIFFE:--If a General Convention is held, what amendments will
you propose?

Mr. FIELD:--I have already said that I have none to propose. I am
satisfied with the Constitution as it is.

Mr. WICKLIFFE:--Then, for God's sake, let us have no General
Convention.

Mr. FIELD:--I think the gentleman's observation is not logical. He
wants amendments, I do not. But I say if we are to have them, let us
have them through a General Convention.

And I say farther, that this is the quickest way to secure them. If a
General Convention is to be called, let it be held at once, just as
soon as possible. If gentlemen from eight of the States in this
Conference represent truly the public sentiment of their people, as I
will assume they do, there is no other alternative. We must have
either the arbitrament of reason or the arbitrament of the sword. The
gloomy future alone can tell whether the latter is to be the one
adopted. I greatly fear it is. The conviction presses upon me in my
waking and my sleeping hours. Only last night I dreamed of marching
armies and news from the seat of war. [A laugh from the Kentucky and
Virginia benches.]

The