islator is a subject of barter, money
is not often the compensation for which it is obtained. It is the policy
of the political corruption committees of corporations to ascertain the
weakness and wants of every man whose services they are likely to need,
and to attack him, if his surrender should be essential to their
victory, at his weakest point. Men with political ambition are
encouraged to aspire to preferment and are assured of corporate support
to bring it about. Briefless lawyers are promised corporate business or
salaried attorneyships. Those in financial straits are accommodated with
loans. Vain men are flattered and given newspaper notoriety. Others are
given passes for their families and their friends. Shippers are given
advantages in rates over their competitors; in fact, every legislator
disposed to barter his vote away receives for it compensation which
combines the maximum of desirability with the minimum of violence to his
self-respect.

Those who attempt to influence or control legislative bodies in behalf
of interested parties are collectively called the lobby. As a rule, the
lobby consists of prominent politicians likely to have influence with
members of their own party; of men of good address and easy conscience,
familiar alike with the subject under consideration and legislative
procedure, and last, but not least, of confidential agents authorized
and prepared to enter into secret negotiations with venal members. The
lobby which represents the railroad companies at legislative sessions is
usually the largest, the most sagacious and the most unscrupulous of
all. Its work is systematic and thorough, its methods are unscrupulous
and its resources great. Yet all the members of a legislative body
cannot be bribed, either by money, or position, or favors. Some of them
will not vote for any proposed measure unless they can be convinced that
it is for the public welfare. These legislators, if their votes are
needed, are turned over to the persuasive eloquence of those members of
the lobby who, apparently, have come to the capital moved by a patriotic
impulse to set erring legislators right on public questions. Their
familiarity with public matters, their success in public life, their
high standing in political circles, their apparent disinterestedness and
their plausible arguments all combine to give them great influence over
new and inexperienced members. In extreme cases influential constituents
of doubtf