a generous thrill, not a word reflecting
the warm and lofty comprehension and feelings of the immense majority
of the people on this question of emancipation. Nothing for humanity,
nothing to humanity. Whoever drew it, be he Mr. Lincoln or Mr. Seward,
it is clear that the writer was not in it either with his heart or
with his soul; it is clear that it was done under moral duress, under
the throttling pressure of events. How differently Stanton would have
spoken!

General Wadsworth truly says, that never a noble subject was more
belittled by the form in which it was uttered.

Brazilian m----s are much disturbed by the proclamation.

_Sept. 23._--In his answer to the Paisley Parliamentary Reform
Association, Mr. Seward complains that the sympathy of Europe turns
now for secession.

O Mr. Seward, Mr. Seward, who is it that contributed to turn the
current against the cause of right and of humanity? Months ago I and
others warned you; the premonitory signs and the reasons of this
change have been pointed out to you. Now you slander Europe, of which
you know as little as of the inhabitants of the moon. The generous
populations of the whole of Europe expected and waited for a positive,
unhesitating, clear recognition of human rights; day after day the
generous European minds expected to see some positive, authoritative
fact confirm that lofty conception which, at the start of this
rebellion, they had of the cause of the North. But the pure, generous
tendencies of the American people became officially, authoritatively
misrepresented; the public opinion in Europe became stuffed with empty
generalizations, with official but unfulfilled prophecies, and with
cold declamations. Those official generalizations, prophecies, and
declamations, the supineness shown by the administration in the
recognition of human rights, all this began to be considered in Europe
as being sanctioned by the whole American people; and generous
European hearts and minds began to avert in disgust from the
_misrepresented_ cause of the North.

Two issues are before history, before the philosophy of history, and
before the social progress of our race. The first issue is the
struggle between the pure democratic spirit embodied in the Free
States, and the fetid remains of the worst part of humanity embodied
in the South. The second issue is between the perennial vitality of
the principle of self-government in the people, and the transient and
accidental re