esence
when he received a telegram announcing the crossing of the Mississippi
by Gen. Pope, at New Madrid. Scarcely had Mr. Lincoln finished the
reading of the dispatch, when he cracked (that is the sacramental
word) two not very washed stories.

When the history of this administration shall become well known,
contemporary and future generations will wonder and be puzzled to know
how the most intelligent and enlightened people in the world could
produce such fruits and results of self-government.

The rebel chiefs take the offensive; they unfold a brilliancy in
conception and rapidity in execution of which the best generals in any
army might be proud. McClellan's army was to be prevented from uniting
with Pope. But it seems that Pope manoeuvres successfully, and
approaches McClellan.

If only our domestic policy were more to the point, England and France
could not be complained of. Mr. Mercier behaves here as loyally as can
be wished, and carefully avoids evoking any misunderstandings
whatever. So do Louis Napoleon, Mr. Thouvenel, Lord John Russell,
notwithstanding Mr. Seward's all-confusing policy. Mr. Mercier never,
never uttered in my presence anything whatever which in the slightest
manner could irritate even the _thinnest-skinned_ American.

As I expected, Louis Napoleon and Mr. Thouvenel highly esteem Mr.
Dayton; and it will be a great mistake to supersede Mr. Dayton in
Paris by the travelling agent of the sewing machine. It seems that
such a change is contemplated in certain quarters, because the agent
parleys poor French. Such a change will not be flattering, and will
not be agreeable to the French court, to the French cabinet, and to
the French good society.

On the continent of Europe sympathy begins to be unsettled, unsteady.
As independence is to-day the watchword in Europe, so the cause of the
rebels acquires a plausible justification. Various are the reasons of
this new counter current. Prominent among them is the vacillating, and
by Europeans considered to be INHUMAN, policy of Mr. Lincoln in regard
to slavery, the opaqueness of our strategy, and the brilliancy of the
tactics of the rebel generals, and, finally, the incapacity of our
agents to enlighten European public opinion, and to explain the true
and horrible character of the rebellion. Repeatedly I warned Mr.
Seward, telling him that the tide of public opinion was rising against
us in Europe, and I explained to him the causes; but of course it