that he believed the matter had
passed inversely, and that the Prince had first communicated your
Majesty's message.

Be that as it may, Count Walewski said the Emperor will be delighted
to avail himself of the Queen's gracious kindness; nothing will give
him so much pleasure....

[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR'S VISIT]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._

BALMORAL, _24th September 1854._

The Queen returns the two letters from Lord Cowley. She is very sorry
to see doubts arise as to the correctness of the intelligence about
the safe debarkation of our whole expeditionary force in the Crimea,
but still clings to the hope of its being true.

Count Walewski's account of the Emperor's version of his conversation
with the Prince explains what the Prince suspected at one time
himself, that the Emperor had not understood the Prince's remark
as conveying a _direct_ invitation, but merely as a general term of
civility. What the Prince intended to convey was something between the
two, making it clear that he would be well received, and leaving it
entirely open to him to come or not according to his own political
views and circumstances. This appeared to the Prince the most polite
and delicate, preventing all appearance as if a counter-visit for his
own at Boulogne was expected. Lest the Emperor should not have rightly
understood the Prince, he repeated the wish to see the Emperor in
England, and the hope of the Queen to make the Empress's acquaintance
also, _more directly_ to Marshal Vaillant, who gave the same answer as
the Emperor had done--he hoped we should come to Paris in return.

Matters stand as well as possible with regard to the visit; in the
Queen's opinion, the Emperor can come if he likes, and if prevented,
is bound to nothing. Should he ask when his visit would be most
agreeable to the Queen, the middle of November would be the time.

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._

BALMORAL, _30th September 1854._

The Queen returns the enclosed letters. The French show their usual
vivacity in pressing so hard for decision upon what is to be done
with Sebastopol when taken.[51] Surely we ought to have taken it first
before we can dispose of it, and everything as to the decision about
it must depend upon the state in which we receive it, and the opinion
of the Military and Naval Commanders after they find themselves in
possession of it. The Queen hopes, therefore, that Lord Clarendon will
s