of the States have the
right to amend the Constitution in every particular except the two
specified in the instrument; they have the right to do any thing,
even to erect a monarchy!" Without carrying the argument so far,
Mr. Cox might well have reminded his colleague that four years
before, in the winter of compromise preceding the war, the one
point sought to be gained by all who asked additional guaranties
for slavery was that the power to abolish the institution by
constitutional amendment should be taken from the States. It would
have been a precious consolation at the time to Mr. Pendleton's
Southern friends, to hear from him the argument that no such power
existed and that slavery was in no danger from its attempted
exercise. Such action by the Federal Government was the one thing
which the South had especially dreaded and which all the amendments
to the Constitution proposed by the Peace Congress of 1861 aimed
to prevent. Mr. Pendleton omitted his argument therefore at the
most pertinent time for its submission, but he made it now with
freshness and vigor and with evident effect upon his political
associates.

Mr. Pendleton was very effectively answered by many members on the
Republican side of the House; by General Garfield elaborately, by
Mr. Boutwell briefly but most pointedly. The debate was prolonged
and able. At least one-third of the entire House took part in it.
The ground was somewhat beaten, but many of the arguments were of
permanent historic interest. Among the most valuable were the
speeches of Mr. Glenni W. Scofield of Pennsylvania, Mr. John A.
Kasson of Iowa, and Mr. James S. Rollins of Missouri. As the
representative of a slave-holding constituency the argument and
vote of Mr. Rollins were of special weight. The tone and temper
of the speeches exhibited assurance on one side and failing confidence
on the other. The moral pressure was steadily for the Amendment
and its strength grew rapidly both in Congress and the country.
It had been borne into the minds of the people that slavery had
produced the war, and it seemed a righteous retribution that slavery
should end with the war. It had drawn the sword; let it perish by
the sword.

When the hour arrived for the final struggle, on Tuesday, January
31, 1865, the galleries of the House were filled in every part,
largely no doubt by friends of the measure. There were eight
absentees, without pairs. They were all Democrats. It may be
a