ry care. His remarks were as
nicely aimed and as carefully timed as his cavalry charges. Nor did
they lack shattering force on occasion.

After five years of "tuning up" the army, French took command of its
administration. In 1912 he was appointed Chief of the Imperial General
Staff, a body formed on the lines of the efficient German General
Staff. Of the nature and value of the reforms instituted under his
direction it is too early yet to speak. Suffice it to say that in the
European War they have met the almost intolerable strain with signal
success. For once we presented to the Continent the unparalleled
spectacle of a War Office "ready for action."

In particular Sir John French encouraged originality of thought among
his officers by frankly seeking critical contributions for a new
service journal, and by putting various opportunities for individual
enterprise in their way.

In the midst of these invaluable if slightly uncongenial
administrative activities, Sir John French was brought to a tragic
standstill. A political intrigue cut across his soldier's life, and
ended its usefulness for the time being. At this early date it is
extremely difficult to disentangle the rights and wrongs of the Gough
incident. But there is no need to enter into the political aspect of
the case here. Suffice it to deplore the sticky mess of party politics
which threatened to gulf a great career.

[Page Heading: THE ULSTER CRISIS]

In the month of March the Government believed that they had serious
reason to expect disturbance in Ireland. Accordingly, General Sir
Arthur Paget was summoned to the War Office to consult his military
chiefs. Apparently, General Paget was instructed--so far as can be
gathered in the absence of documentary evidence--to lay before his
officers a certain choice of action. He accordingly called a meeting
of his officers, whom he informed that "Active operations were to be
begun against Ulster; that he expected the country to be in a blaze by
Saturday (March 21); and that he was instructed by the War Office to
allow officers domiciled in Ulster to disappear, but as regards others
that any who resigned would be dismissed." The officers were given two
hours to make their decision. Out of a total of 72 officers in the
Brigade, 59 "would, respectfully, and under protest," prefer to be
dismissed, while five claimed exemption on the ground of being
domiciled in Ulster.

A few days later it was explained on behalf