m were
apparent to liberals themselves early in the Nineteenth Century. It is
no merit of Fascism to have again indicated them. Fascism has its own
solution of the paradox of liberty and authority. The authority of the
State is absolute. It does not compromise, it does not bargain, it
does not surrender any portion of its field to other moral or
religious principles which may interfere with the individual
conscience. But on the other hand, the State becomes a reality only in
the consciousness of its individuals. And the Fascist corporative
State supplies a representative system more sincere and more in touch
with realities than any other previously devised and is therefore
freer than the old liberal State.

NATIONAL SOCIALISM

BASIC PRINCIPLES, THEIR APPLICATION
BY THE NAZI PARTY'S FOREIGN ORGANIZATION,
AND THE USE OF GERMANS ABROAD
FOR NAZI AIMS

Prepared in the Special Unit
Of the Division of European Affairs
By
RAYMOND E. MURPHY
FRANCIS B. STEVENS
HOWARD TRIVERS
JOSEPH M. ROLAND

ELEMENTS OF NAZI IDEOLOGY

The line of thought which we have traced from Herder to the immediate
forerunners of the Nazi movement embodies an antidemocratic tradition
which National Socialism has utilized, reduced to simple but
relentless terms, and exploited in what is known as the National
Socialist _Weltanschauung_ for the greater aggrandizement of Nazi
Germany. The complete agreement between the Nazi ideology and the
previously described political concepts of the past is revealed in the
forthcoming exposition of the main tenets of Naziism.

The Volk

Ernst Rudolf Huber, in his basic work _Verfassungsrecht des
grossdeutschen Reiches (Constitutional Law of the Greater German
Reich_) (document 1, _post_ p. 155), published in 1939, states:

The new constitution of the German Reich ... is not a
constitution in the formal sense such as was typical of the
nineteenth century. The new Reich has no written
constitutional declaration, but its constitution exists in
the unwritten basic political order of the Reich. One
recognizes it in the spiritual powers which fill our people,
in the real authority in which our political life is
grounded, and in the basic laws regarding the structure of
the state which have been proclaimed so far. The advantage
of such an unwritten constitution over the formal
constitution is that the basic principles do not become
rigid but r