etters, who are, in
truth, the greatest foes of property, as it belongs to others."

I remembered Sir Joseph Job, and could not but admit that the brigadier
had, at least, some truth on his side.

"But do you deny that the sentiment of property elevates the mind,
ennobles, and purifies?"

"Sir, I do not pretend to determine what may be the fact among men,
but we hold among monikins, that 'the love of money is the root of all
evil.'"

"How, sir, do you account the education which is a consequence of
property as nothing?"

"If you mean, my dear Sir John, that which property is most apt to
teach, we hold it to be selfishness; but if you mean that he who has
money, as a rule, will also have in formation to guide him aright, I
must answer, that experience, which is worth a thousand theories, tells
us differently. We find that on questions which are purely between those
who have, and those who have not, the HAVES are commonly united, and we
think this would be the fact if they were as unschooled as bears; but
on all other questions, they certainly do great discredit to education,
unless you admit that there are in every case TWO rights; for, with
us, the most highly educated generally take the two extremes of
every argument. I state this to be the fact with monikins, you will
remember--doubtless, educated men agree much better."

"But, my good brigadier, if your position about the greater impartiality
and independence of the elector who is not influenced by his private
interests be true, a country would do well to submit its elections to a
body of foreign umpires."

"It would indeed, Sir John, if it were certain these foreign umpires
would not abuse the power to their own particular advantage, if they
could have the feelings and sentiments which ennoble and purify a nation
far more than money, and if it were possible they could thoroughly
understand the character, habits, wants, and resources of another
people. As things are, therefore, we believe it is wisest to trust our
own elections to ourselves--not to a portion of ourselves, but to all of
ourselves."

"Immigrants included," put in the captain.

"Why, we do carry the principle well out in the case of gentlemen like
yourselves," returned the brigadier, politely, "but liberality is a
virtue. As a principle, Sir John, your idea of referring the choice
of our representatives to strangers has more merit than you probably
imagine, though, certainly, impracticable,