persuade the public of
three or four of the most difficult points in the world,--that all the
advantages of the late war were on the part of the Bourbon alliance;
that the peace of Paris perfectly consulted the dignity and interest of
this country; and that the American Stamp Act was a masterpiece of
policy and finance; that the only good minister this nation has enjoyed
since his Majesty's accession, is the Earl of Bute; and the only good
managers of revenue we have seen are Lord Despenser and Mr. George
Grenville; and, under the description of men of virtue and ability, he
holds them out to us as the only persons fit to put our affairs in
order. Let not the reader mistake me: he does not actually name these
persons; but having highly applauded their conduct in all its parts, and
heavily censured every other set of men in the kingdom, he then
recommends us to his men of virtue and ability.

Such is the author's scheme. Whether it will answer his purpose I know
not. But surely that purpose ought to be a wonderfully good one, to
warrant the methods he has taken to compass it. If the facts and
reasonings in this piece are admitted, it is all over with us. The
continuance of our tranquillity depends upon the compassion of our
rivals. Unable to secure to ourselves the advantages of peace, we are at
the same time utterly unfit for war. It is impossible, if this state of
things be credited abroad, that we can have any alliance; all nations
will fly from so dangerous a connection, lest, instead of being
partakers of our strength, they should only become sharers in our ruin.
If it is believed at home, all that firmness of mind, and dignified
national courage, which used to be the great support of this isle
against the powers of the world, must melt away, and fail within us.

In such a state of things can it be amiss if I aim at holding out some
comfort to the nation; another sort of comfort, indeed, than that which
this writer provides for it; a comfort not from its physician, but from
its constitution: if I attempt to show that all the arguments upon which
he founds the decay of that constitution, and the necessity of that
physician, are vain and frivolous? I will follow the author closely in
his own long career, through the war, the peace, the finances, our
trade, and our foreign politics: not for the sake of the particular
measures which he discusses; that can be of no use; they are all
decided; their good is all enjoyed,