ese are vast national matters in his estimation; but the
little matter in his estimation is that of planting slavery there. That
is purely of local interest, which nobody should be allowed to say a word
about.

Labor is the great source from which nearly all, if not all, human
comforts and necessities are drawn. There is a difference in opinion about
the elements of labor in society. Some men assume that there is necessary
connection between capital and labor, and that connection draws within
it the whole of the labor of the community. They assume that nobody works
unless capital excites them to work. They begin next to consider what is
the best way. They say there are but two ways: one is to hire men, and to
allure them to labor by their consent; the other is to buy the men, and
drive them, to it, and that is slavery. Having assumed that, they proceed
to discuss the question of whether the laborers themselves are better off
in the condition of slaves or of hired laborers, and they usually decide
that they are better off in the condition of slaves.

In the first place, I say that the whole thing is a mistake. That there is
a certain relation between capital and labor, I admit. That it does exist,
and rightfully exists, I think is true. That men who are industrious, and
sober, and honest in the pursuit of their own interests should after a
while accumulate capital, and after that should be allowed to enjoy it in
peace, and also, if they should choose, when they have accumulated it,
to use it to save themselves from actual labor, and hire other people
to labor for them, is right. In doing so they do not wrong the man they
employ, for they find men who have not of their own land to work upon,
or shops to work in, and who are benefited by working for others, hired
laborers, receiving their capital for it. Thus a few men, that own
capital, hire a few others, and these establish the relation of capital
and labor rightfully, a relation of which I make no complaint. But I
insist that that relation, after all, does not embrace more than one
eighth of the labor of the country.

[The speaker proceeded to argue that the hired laborer, with his ability
to become an employer, must have every precedence over him who labors
under the inducement of force. He continued:]

I have taken upon myself in the name of some of you to say that we expect
upon these principles to ultimately beat them. In order to do so, I think
we want and must