opulation estimates based upon the village lists of the
ethnographers are as follows: one-third the Sinkyone, 970; one-third
the Mattole, 400; the Kato, 1,100, the Wailaki, 3,350; and the Yuki as
a whole, 9,730. The general total is 15,550. By comparison
Heintzelman's figure for approximately the same area is 12,450.
Considering the imponderable and unassessable factors involved in both
computations the correspondence is remarkably close, particularly in
view of the fact that Heintzelman was not in the region until 1855, at
which time the population was by no means aboriginal.

THE POMO

From a poverty of ethnographic material with the more northerly tribes
we pass to an embarrassment of riches with the Pomo. (Barrett, 1908;
Gifford, 1923, 1926; Gifford and Kroeber, 1937; Kniffen, 1939; Stewart,
1943). The first major study was that of Barrett in 1908. Barrett's
principal contribution was a painstakingly compiled list of Pomo
tribes, villages, and camp sites as recalled by his informants during
the years 1903 to 1906. However he missed the significance of the Pomo
community style of social organization with its implications for
evaluation of village size and importance and hence probable
population. Moreover, many of his place names have since been shown to
be wrongly applied. His work remains therefore chiefly valuable as a
compilation and check list against more recent and more critical work.

Gifford's two papers (1923, 1926) stand as models of investigation of a
single social unit, the village of Cigom. They are useful in a wider
sense as a point of departure and a basis for comparison with other
communities, particularly in the Clear Lake region. The work of Gifford
and Kroeber (1937), although primarily dealing with cultural matters,
contains much pertinent information concerning the sixteen communities
investigated together with several paragraphs pertinent to the
population problem.

Kniffen (1939) made a careful study of the geographical and ecological
status of certain selected groups: the Clear Lake area, the Kacha of
Russian River, and the Coast Pomo. Steward (1943) reviewed the
boundaries and villages of all groups except a few on Clear Lake, using
also the ecological approach.

When one attempts to establish what were the Pomo community groups and
chief villages, he encounters a great deal of divergence of opinion on
detail among these investigators, due largely to differences among
informant