of those who had gone before
him had attempted any other. His illustrious grandfather, who had
some glimmering of the necessity, had not been allotted the necessary
time, for he too had had to conquer to remain. His father had more
than almost any of the Afghan sovereigns {155} who preceded him
failed to read the riddle. He fell before a better general, and his
rootless system died at once, leaving not a trace behind it.
Penetrated, then, with the necessity of founding a system that should
endure, and recognising very gradually, that such a system must be
based on mutual respect, on mutual toleration regarding differences
of race, of religion, of tradition; on the union of interests; on the
making it absolutely clear that the fall of the keystone to the arch
meant the fall of each stone which went to build up the arch; he
sought, as I have said, during the first twenty years of his reign,
discussions with his courtiers and the learned regarding the system
which would best appeal to those sentiments in the conquered race
which would convey to them confidence and conviction.
Before Akbar knew Abulfazl he had almost withdrawn from the task in
despair. Instead of wise counsel he encountered only precepts tending
to bigotry and intolerance. From his earlier counsellors there was
absolutely no help to be hoped for. Akbar became wearied of the
squabbles of these men; of their leanings to persecution for the
cause of religious differences, even amongst Muhammadans. Before even
he had recognised the broad charity of the teachings of Abulfazl he
had come to the conclusion that before founding a system of
government it would be necessary to wage war against the bigoted
professors who formed a power in his own empire. 'Impressed,' writes
Professor Blochmann, 'with a favourable idea {156} of the value of
his Hindu subjects, he had resolved when pensively sitting in the
evenings on the solitary stone at Fatehpur-Sikri, to rule with an
even hand all men in his dominions; but as the extreme views of the
learned and the lawyers continually urged him to persecute instead of
to heal, he instituted discussions, because, believing himself to be
in error, he thought it his duty as ruler to "inquire."' These
discussions took place every Thursday night in the Ibadat-Khana, a
building at Fatehpur-Sikri, erected for the purpose.
For a time Abulfazl took but a subordinate part in the discussions,
simply spurring the various Muhammadan sectari
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