of acting, all characterized by originality and
independence of thought and expression, quite divorced from any
political party, and all tending towards and feeding latent desires for
some kind of separate Irish national existence. It was a curious
situation to watch, but there was nothing in it suggestive of revolt or
rebellion, except in the realm of thought. Indeed, it was quite the
other way. The Abbey Theatre made merciless fun of mad political
enterprise, and lashed with savage satire some historical aspects of the
Irish revolutionary. I was often amazed at the literary detachment and
courage of the playwright, the relentless audacity of the actors and
actresses, and the patience and comprehension of the audience. This new
critical tone and temper, noticeable everywhere, penetrating everything,
and influencing many minds in all ranks, whilst having its
disintegrating effects upon old-fashioned political beliefs and worn-out
controversial phrases, was the deadly foe of that wild sentimental
passion which has once more led so many brave young fellows to a certain
doom, in the belief that in Ireland any revolution is better than none.
A little more time, and, but for the outbreak of the war, this new
critical temper would, in my belief, have finally prevailed, not indeed
to destroy national sentiment (for that is immortal), but to kill by
ridicule insensate revolt. But this was not to be."

With regard to "Separatism," I believe this--and I think in so saying I
am echoing the sentiments of most of my fellow-countrymen, that the only
way to liberate Ireland is to dominate England, not physically, for this
would be as useless as it would be impossible, but mentally and morally.

If the Irishman has been persecuted and tyrannized over, it is in virtue
of certain ideals and principles which are ethically and economically
inferior to his, and which he has consequently to crush in the very
source, as much for his own sake as for those other members of the
Empire to which, if it has been a misfortune to belong in the past, it
may be an advantage and an honour to belong to-morrow.

If Castle government is wrong in Dublin it is wrong elsewhere; if
militarism was wrong and foolish and futile in Cromwell's day, it is
wrong to-day, to-morrow, and for all time; if England really intends at
the great Peace Congress to come forward as the champion of small
nations, she must be able to show an Ireland prosperous, contented, and
fr