and to oblige members of Parliament to
attend to public cares, and not to the servile offices of domestic
management, I propose, Sir, to _economize by principle_: that is, I
propose to put affairs into that train which experience points out as
the most effectual, from the nature of things, and from the constitution
of the human mind. In all dealings, where it is possible, the principles
of radical economy prescribe three things: first, undertaking by the
great; secondly, engaging with persons of skill in the subject-matter;
thirdly, engaging with those who shall have an immediate and direct
interest in the proper execution of the business.
To avoid frittering and crumbling down the attention by a blind,
unsystematic observance of every trifle, it has ever been found the best
way to do all things which are great in the total amount and minute in
the component parts by a _general contrast_. The principles of trade
have so pervaded every species of dealing, from the highest to the
lowest objects, all transactions are got so much into system, that we
may, at a moment's warning, and to a farthing value, be informed at what
rate any service may be supplied. No dealing is exempt from the
possibility of fraud. But by a contract on a matter certain you have
this advantage: you are sure to know the utmost _extent_ of the fraud to
which you are subject. By a contract with a person in _his own trade_
you are sure you shall not suffer by _want of skill._ By a _short_
contract you are sure of making it the _interest_ of the contractor to
exert that skill for the satisfaction of his employers.
I mean to derogate nothing from the diligence or integrity of the
present, or of any former board of Green Cloth. But what skill can
members of Parliament obtain in that low kind of province? What pleasure
can they have in the execution of that kind of duty? And if they should
neglect it, how does it affect their interest, when we know that it is
their vote in Parliament, and not their diligence in cookery or
catering, that recommends them to their office, or keeps them in it?
I therefore propose that the king's tables (to whatever number of
tables, or covers to each, he shall think proper to command) should be
classed by the steward of the household, and should be contracted for,
according to their rank, by the head or cover; that the estimate and
circumstance of the contract should be carried to the Treasury to be
approved; and that its
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