persons as one of its grievances. But why should
emancipation South send the free people North? People of any color seldom
run unless there be something to run from. Heretofore colored people to
some extent have fled North from bondage, and now, perhaps, from both
bondage and destitution. But if gradual emancipation and deportation be
adopted, they will have neither to flee from. Their old masters will give
them wages at least until new laborers can be procured, and the freedmen
in turn will gladly give their labor for the wages till new homes can be
found for them in congenial climes and with people of their own blood and
race. This proposition can be trusted on the mutual interests involved.
And in any event, cannot the North decide for itself whether to receive
them?

Again, as practice proves more than theory in any case, has there been
any irruption of colored people northward because of the abolishment of
slavery in this District last spring?

What I have said of the proportion of free colored persons to the whites
in the District is from the census of 1860, having no reference to
persons called contrabands nor to those made free by the act of Congress
abolishing slavery here.

The plan consisting of these articles is recommended, not but that a
restoration of the national authority would be accepted without its
adoption.

Nor will the war nor proceedings under the proclamation of September 22,
1862, be stayed because of the recommendation of this plan. Its timely
adoption, I doubt not, would bring restoration, and thereby stay both.

And notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation that Congress provide
by law for compensating any State which may adopt emancipation before this
plan shall have been acted upon is hereby earnestly renewed. Such would be
only an advance part of the plan, and the same arguments apply to both.

This plan is recommended as a means, not in exclusion of, but additional
to, all others for restoring and preserving the national authority
throughout the Union. The subject is presented exclusively in its
economical aspect. The plan would, I am confident, secure peace more
speedily and maintain it more permanently than can be done by force alone,
while all it would cost, considering amounts and manner of payment and
times of payment, would be easier paid than will be the additional cost of
the war if we rely solely upon force. It is much, very much, that it would
cost no blood at all.