ing that doctrine,
they come legitimately to the conclusion of to-day, in which they are
supported, as I understand, by the President of the United States upon
the one side, and, as I know, by the testimony of Alexander H.
Stephens, late Vice-President of the so-called Confederacy, upon the
other. That doctrine, is that these eleven States have to-day, each
for itself, an existing and unquestionable right of representation in
the Government of this country, and that it is a continuous right
which has not been interrupted by any of the events of the war."

On the other hand, Mr. Boutwell thus defined the position of "the
Union party," which, he said, "stands unitedly upon two propositions.
The first is equality of representation, about which there is no
difference of opinion. The second is, that there shall be a loyal
people in each applicant State before any Representative from that
State is admitted in Congress. And there is a third: a vast majority
of the Republican party, soon to be the controlling and entire force
of that party, demand suffrage for our friends, for those who have
stood by us in our days of tribulation. And for myself, with the
right, of course, to change my opinion, I believe in the
Constitutional power of the Government to-day to extend the elective
franchise to every loyal male citizen of the republic."

Mr. Spalding favored the amendment, including the third section, to
which exception had been taken by some of his friends. He asked, "Is
it exceptionable? Is it objectionable? If it be so, it is, in my
judgment, for the reason that the duration of the period of incapacity
is not extended more widely. I take my stand here, that it is
necessary to ingraft into that enduring instrument called the
Constitution of the United States something which shall admonish this
rebellious people, and all who shall come after them, that treason
against the Government is odious; that it carries with it some
penalty, some disqualification; and the only one which we seek to
attach by this amendment is a disqualification in voting--not for
their State and county and town officers, but for members of Congress,
who are to be the law-makers, and for the Executive of the United
States, this disqualification to operate for the short period of four
years."

Mr. Miller advocated all the sections of the proposed amendment except
the third. Of this he said: "Though it seems just on its face, I doubt
the propriety of embody