e nomination day, and did
not address a single meeting, he was elected third on the poll. He
afterwards became the Chief Secretary, and later Commissioner of Public
Works. He was an excellent worker on committees, and was full of ideas
and suggestions. Although not a good speaker, he rejoiced in my
standing on platform or in pulpit. He was nearly as democratic as I
was; and when he invented the phrase "effective voting" it was from the
sense that true democracy demanded not merely a chance, but a
certainty, that the vote given at the poll should be effective for some
one. My brother David inherited all the Conservatism of the Brodies for
generations back. Greatly interested in all abstruse problems and
abstract questions he had various schemes for the regeneration of
mankind. Two opposing theories concerning the working of bi-cameral
Legislatures supplied me with material for a Review article. One theory
was intensely Conservative, and emanated from my brother David, who was
a poor man. The other was held by the richest man of my acquaintance,
and was distinctly Liberal. My brother argued that the Upper House
should have the power to tax its own constituents, and was utterly
opposed to any extension of the franchise. My rich friend objected to
the limited franchise, and desired to have the State proclaimed one
electorate with proportional representation as a safeguard against
unwise legislation and as a means to assist reforms. The great blot, he
considered, on Australian Constitutions was the representation by
districts, especially for the House that controlled the public purse.
If districts were to be tolerated at all, they should be represented by
men who had a longer tenure of office than our Assembly's three years,
and who did not have so often to ask for votes, which frequently
depended on a railway or a jetty or a Rabbit Bill. So long as a
Government depends for its existence on the support of local
representatives it is tempted to spend public money to gratify them.
Both men were Freetraders, and both believed strongly in the justice of
land values taxation.

My friend the late Professor Pearson had entered into active political
life in Melbourne, and was a regular writer for The Age. Perhaps no
other man underwent more obloquy from his old friends for taking the
side of Graham Berry, especially as he was a Freetrader, and the
popular party was Protectionist. He justified his action by saying that
a mistake in