emands of men like Nazari of Bergamo and
Manin and Tommasco of Venice, who were engaged in a campaign of legal
agitation, brought conviction to the most cautious that no measure of
political liberty was obtainable under Austrian rule.

At the Scala Theatre some of the audience had raised cries of 'Viva
Pio Nono' during a performance of _I Lombardi._[3] This was the excuse
for prohibiting every direct or indirect public reference to the
reigning Pontiff. Nevertheless, a few young men were caught singing
the Pope's hymn, upon which the military charged the crowd. On the 3rd
of January the soldiers fell on the people in the Piazza San Carlo,
killing six and wounding fifty-three. The parish priest of the Duomo
said that he had seen Russians, French and Austrians enter Milan as
invaders; but a scene like that of the 3rd of January he had never
witnessed; 'they simply murdered in the streets.'

The _Judicium Statuarium_, equivalent to martial law, was proclaimed
in February; but the Viennese revolution of the 8th of March, and
Prince Metternich's flight to England, were followed by promises to
abolish the censure, and to convoke the central congregations of the
Lombardo-Venetian kingdom. The utmost privilege of these assemblies
was consultative. In 1815 they were invested with the right to 'make
known grievances,' but they had only once managed to perform this
modest function. It was hardly worth while to talk about them on the
18th of March 1848.

On the morning of that day, Count O'Donnel, the Vice-Governor of
Milan, announced the Emperor's concessions. Before night he was the
hostage of the revolution, signing whatever decrees were demanded of
him till in a few hours even his signature was dispensed with. The
Milanese had begun their historic struggle.

Taking refuge in the Citadel, Radetsky wrote to the Podesta, Count
Gabrio Casati (brother of Teresa Confalonieri), that he acknowledged
no authority at Milan except his own and that of his soldiers. Those
who resisted would be guilty of high treason. If arguments did not
avail, he would make use of all the means placed in his hands by an
army of 100,000 men to bring the rebel city to obedience. Unhappily
for Radetsky, there were not any such 100,000 men in Italy, though
long before this he had told Metternich that he could not guarantee
the safety of Lombardy with less than 150,000. In spite of partial
reinforcements, the number did not amount to more than from 72,000 t