ed their standards on every continent, and now
possess or claim the control of the islands of every ocean as their
appropriate domain would look with unfriendly sentiments upon the
acquisitions of this country, in every instance honorably obtained, or
would feel themselves justified in imputing our advancement to a spirit
of aggression or to a passion for political predominance.

Our foreign commerce has reached a magnitude and extent nearly equal to
that of the first maritime power of the earth, and exceeding that of any
other. Over this great interest, in which not only our merchants, but
all classes of citizens, at least indirectly, are concerned, it is
the duty of the executive and legislative branches of the Government
to exercise a careful supervision and adopt proper measures for its
protection. The policy which I had in view in regard to this interest
embraces its future as well as its present security. Long experience has
shown that, in general, when the principal powers of Europe are engaged
in war the rights of neutral nations are endangered. This consideration
led, in the progress of the War of our Independence, to the formation of
the celebrated confederacy of armed neutrality, a primary object of
which was to assert the doctrine that free ships make free goods, except
in the case of articles contraband of war--a doctrine which from the
very commencement of our national being has been a cherished idea of the
statesmen of this country. At one period or another every maritime power
has by some solemn treaty stipulation recognized that principle, and it
might have been hoped that it would come to be universally received and
respected as a rule of international law. But the refusal of one power
prevented this, and in the next great war which ensued--that of the
French Revolution--it failed to be respected among the belligerent
States of Europe. Notwithstanding this, the principle is generally
admitted to be a sound and salutary one, so much so that at the
commencement of the existing war in Europe Great Britain and France
announced their purpose to observe it for the present; not, however, as
a recognized international right, but as a mere concession for the time
being. The cooperation, however, of these two powerful maritime nations
in the interest of neutral rights appeared to me to afford an occasion
inviting and justifying on the part of the United States a renewed
effort to make the doctrine in question a p