their opposition to Home Rule, would not
hesitate for a moment when the choice was given them of obeying or
defying the law. They would, of course, obey the law. But, so the
article concluded, if they did not obey the law the resources of
civilization were by no means exhausted.

As no law had, up to that time, been made forbidding the holding of
the Belfast demonstration, this article was perhaps premature in its
attempt to impale Babberly and his friends on the horns of a dilemma.

The Conservative papers assumed an air of calm confidence. One of
them, the editor of which was in close touch with Babberly, said
plainly that dear as the right of free speech was to the Unionist
leaders they would cheerfully postpone the Belfast demonstration
rather than run the smallest risk of causing a riot in the streets.
Political principles, it is said, were sacred things, but the life of
the humblest citizen was far more sacred than any principle, and the
world could confidently rely on Babberly's being guided in his
momentous decision by considerations of the loftiest patriotism.

I have no doubt that Babberly fully intended to do as that paper said
he would do. I feel certain that the informal consultation of the
politicians at Lady Moyne's dinner-party had ended in a decision to
postpone the demonstration. But things had passed beyond the control
of Babberly and Lady Moyne. No newspaper was able to give any report
of the proceedings of the meeting held that afternoon. But Malcolmson,
Cahoon and McNeice were all present, and the Dean, having escaped the
overpowering atmosphere of Moyne House, was able to express his
opinions freely and forcibly. On the other hand Lady Moyne was not
there, and Moyne, when it comes to persuading men, is a very poor
substitute for her. The English Unionists could not be there, so the
weight of their moderation was not felt. The meeting broke up without
reaching any decision at all; and the Belfast demonstration remained
on the list of fixtures for the next week.

Sir Samuel Clithering, originally a manufacturer of hosiery in the
midlands, was at this time acting regularly as an official ambassador
of the Cabinet. The fact that he was a leading Nonconformist was, I
fancy, supposed to commend him in some obscure way to the Ulster
party. He spent the evening after the meeting in flying about in his
motor between the House of Commons where Babberly was proposing
amendments to the Bill, Moyne House w