fruitless endeavour to unite upon a
candidate for first place. Monroe's friends would not have George
Clinton, whom they pronounced too old and too infirm, and Clinton's
friends declined to accept Monroe, who was objectionable, if for no
other reason, because he was a Virginian. Finally, the Federalists
nominated Charles C. Pinckney of South Carolina for President and
Rufus King of New York for Vice President, making Madison's election
absolutely certain.

This ought to have ended the strife in Republican ranks. Under similar
circumstances any ordinary politician would have hastened to
re-establish himself with his party. But DeWitt Clinton, carrying the
contest to the New York Legislature, called to appoint presidential
electors, insisted that the vote of the State be given to his uncle.
The strong affection for the venerable statesman insured the
suggestion favourable consideration by a large portion of the
Republican party, but Tompkins assailed it with unanswerable
argument. Without being of the slightest use to George Clinton, he
contended, such a course would exhibit an unhappy division in
Republican ranks, excite the jealousy of Madison's friends, impair the
influence of New York Republicans with the Administration, and make
them appear ridiculous to their brethren in other States. This was the
talk of a wise politician. The contest was squarely between James
Madison, regularly nominated by the method then accepted, and Charles
C. Pinckney, the candidate of the Federalists; and a vote for Clinton
meant a Republican vote thrown away out of pique. DeWitt Clinton
understood this; but he could not curb a disposition to have things
his way, and, upon his insistence, it was finally agreed that each
elector should vote his preference. Under this arrangement, George
Clinton received six votes out of the nineteen, Ambrose Spencer
leading the minority. Of the votes cast for President, Madison
received 122, Clinton 6, and Pinckney 48; for Vice President, George
Clinton had 113, Rufus King 48, John Langdon of New Hampshire 9, and
Madison and Monroe three each, the votes of Judge Spencer and his five
associates.

Within a twelvemonth DeWitt Clinton had plainly made a series of
serious mistakes. He had opposed the embargo, he had antagonised
Madison, who still resented the Clintons' opposition to the Federal
Constitution, and he had forced a discovery of Tompkins' superior
management and political wisdom. To add to his emba