lled to pass,--they belong to the
politician, the publicist, the philosopher, not to us. But, as
historical investigators, and so observing the sequence of events, it
cannot escape our notice that on every one of the fundamental principles
discussed,--whether ethnic, economical, or political,--we abandon the
traditional and distinctively American grounds and accept those of
Europe, and especially of Great Britain, which heretofore we have made
it the basis of our faith to deny and repudiate.

With this startling proposition in mind, consider again the several
propositions advanced; and first, as regards the so-called inferior
races. Our policy towards them, instinctive and formulated, has been
either to exclude or destroy, or to leave them in the fullness of time
to work out their own destiny, undisturbed by us; fully believing that,
in this way, we in the long run best subserved the interests of mankind.
Europe, and Great Britain especially, adopted the opposite policy. They
held that it was incumbent on the superior to go forth and establish
dominion over the inferior race, and to hold and develop vast imperial
possessions and colonial dependencies. They saw their interest and duty
in developing systems of docile tutelage; we sought our inspirations in
the rough school of self-government. Under this head the result then is
distinct, clean cut, indisputable. To this conclusion have we come at
last. The Old World, Europe and Great Britain, were, after all, right,
and we of the New World have been wrong. From every point of
view,--religious, ethnic, commercial, political,--we cannot, it is now
claimed, too soon abandon our traditional position and assume theirs.
Again, Europe and Great Britain have never admitted that men were
created equal, or that the consent of the governed was a condition of
government. They have, on the contrary, emphatically denied both
propositions. We now concede that, after all, there was great basis for
their denial; that, certainly, it must be admitted, our forefathers were
hasty at least in reaching their conclusions,--they generalized too
broadly. We do not frankly avow error, and we still think the assent of
the governed to a government a thing desirable to be secured, under
suitable circumstances and with proper limitations; but, if it cannot
conveniently be secured, we are advised on New England senatorial
authority that "the consent of some of the governed" will be sufficient,
we ourselv