ee
well-known citizens for a non-partizan mass meeting, and at this meeting
a committee of seventy was appointed "with full power to confer with
other anti-Tammany organizations, and to take such actions as may be
necessary to further the objects of this meeting as set forth in the
call therefor, and the address adopted by this meeting." The committee
adopted a platform, appointed an executive and a finance committee, and
nominated a full ticket, distributing the candidates among both parties.
All other anti-Tammany organizations endorsed this ticket, and it
was elected by large majorities. The committee dissolved after having
secured certain charter amendments for the city and seeing its roster of
officers inaugurated.

The Municipal Voters' League of Chicago is an important example of the
permanent type of citizens' organization. The league is composed of
voters in every ward, who, acting through committees and alert officers,
scrutinize every candidate for city office from the Mayor down. It does
not aim to nominate a ticket of its own, but to exercise such vigilance,
enforced by so effective an organization and such wide-reaching
publicity, that the various parties will, of their own volition,
nominate men whom the league can endorse. By thus putting on
the hydraulic pressure of organized public opinion, it has had a
considerable influence on the parties and a very stimulating effect on
the citizenry.

Finally, there has developed in recent years the fusion movement,
whereby the opponents of boss rule in all parties unite and back an
independent or municipal ticket. The election of Mayor Mitchel of New
York in 1913 was thus accomplished. In Milwaukee, a fusion has been
successful against the Socialists. And in many lesser cities this has
brought at least temporary relief from the oppression of the local
oligarchy.

CHAPTER XI. THE EXPERT AT LAST

The administrative weakness of a democracy, namely, the tendency towards
a government by job-hunters, was disclosed even in the early days of the
United States, when the official machinery was simple and the number of
offices few. Washington at once foresaw both the difficulties and the
duties that the appointing power imposed. Soon after his inauguration
he wrote to Rutledge: "I anticipate that one of the most difficult and
delicate parts of the duty of any office will be that which relates
to nominations for appointments." And he was most scrupulous and
painstak