e
two countries.' This appeal (of which I only give the spirit) was
very well received, and, after some more talk, Palmerston said
that though he was still convinced success would crown the
efforts now making in the East, and that it was unnecessary to
take any other step, yet, if it was the wish and opinion of the
Cabinet that some communication should be made to France, he was
ready to make it. This was, of course, very well taken, and was a
prodigious concession and change from his former tone. A great
deal more discussion then ensued, and the result was that
Palmerston is to see the Ministers of the Conference, either
separately or together, to-morrow, and to propose to them that he
should make a communication to France on the basis of
Metternich's suggestion. There can be no doubt of Neumann's
acquiescence, and the Prussian will go with the Austrian; the
only doubt is Brunnow. They all agreed that nothing could be done
but with the common consent of all, and as Russia has behaved
exceedingly well since the signature of the Treaty, it would be
wholly unjustifiable not to treat her with perfect good faith and
every sort of consideration. If Brunnow objects, and will not
consent to the communication being made, another Cabinet is to be
summoned to-morrow afternoon; if he acquiesces, Palmerston is to
speak to Guizot immediately. If Brunnow is not consenting,
Palmerston will equally speak to Guizot, but, instead of making a
proposition, will say that Brunnow will apply for instructions,
and that we have requested him to do so, to enable us, with the
consent of all the three parties to the treaty, to make the
communication to France. Such is the substance and result of this
important Cabinet, which I have very roughly and imperfectly put
down, and I am conscious that I have forgotten some of the
details which reached me; however, I have preserved the essential
parts. Lord John (to whom it is all due) said very little,
Lansdowne not much; Hobhouse was talkative, but nobody listened
to him; Melbourne, when it was over, swaggering like any Bobadil,
and talking about 'fellows being frightened at their own
shadows,' and a deal of bravery when he began to breathe freely
from the danger.

[2] Metternich's paper was a suggestion which he put into
the mouth of the French Minister, and which he gave
Leopold, who sent it here. He said, 'If I were the
French Minister, I would say so and so,' t