fice, and then send them directly to the legislature? This mode would
do away with all this nonsensical ado, and would give the matter a
prompt and business cast, conformable to the spirit of the age."

"This idea is a good one, but we have an election law that would stand
in the way of carrying it out."

"Bosh--election law!" sneered the banker. "Your election law is a mere
scarecrow, an antiquated, meaningless instrument. Do away with the
election law, and follow my suggestion."

"That would occasion a charming row on the part of the ultramontanes,"
observed the leader laughing.

"Was the lion ever known to heed the bleating of a sheep? When did
progress ever pay any attention to a row gotten up by the
ultramontanes?" rejoined Greifmann. "Was not the fuss made in Bavaria
against the progressionist school-law quite a prodigious one? Did not
our own last legislature make heavy assaults on the church? Did not the
entire episcopate protest against permitting Jews, Neo-pagans, and
Freemasons to legislate, on matters of religion? But did progress
suffer itself to be disconcerted by episcopal protests and the
agonizing screams of the ultramontanes? Not at all. It calmly pursued
the even tenor of its way. Be logical, Mr. Schwefel: progress reigns
supreme and decrees with absolute authority--why should it not
summarily relegate this election law among the things that were, but
are no more?"

"You are right, Greifmann!" exclaimed Gerlach, in a feeling of utter
disgust. "What need has the knout of Russian despotism of the sanction
of constitutional forms? Progress is lord, the rest are slaves!"

"You have again misunderstood me, my good fellow. I am considering the
actual state of things. Should ultramontanism at any time gain the
ascendency, then it also will be justified in behaving in the same
manner."

Upon more mature consideration, Gerlach found himself forced to admit
that Greifmann's view, from the standpoint of modern culture, was
entirely correct. Progress independently of God and of all positive
religion could not logically be expected to recognize any moral
obligations, for it had not a moral basis. Everything was determined by
the force of circumstances; the autocracy of party rule made anything
lawful. Laws proceeded not from the divine source of unalterable
justice, but from the whim of a majority--fashioned and framed to suit
peculiar interests and passions.

"We have yet considerable work to do to brin