nize on Monday next, some Democrat who will move to
suspend the rules for the purpose of giving the House an opportunity
of considering the question of the total repeal of the internal revenue
taxes on tobacco." The letter went on to argue that it would be bad
policy to let a Republican have credit for a proposal, which it was
declared "will command more votes than any other measure pending before
the House looking towards a reduction in taxation; and favorable action
on this proposition will not interfere with other efforts that are being
made to reduce the burden of the people."

Speaker Carlisle, however, refused to allow the House to consider the
matter on the ground that negotiations with Randall and his friends for
concerted party action had so far been fruitless. "Among other things,"
he wrote, "we proposed to submit the entire subject to a caucus of our
political friends, with the understanding that all parties would abide
by the result of its action.... We have received no response to that
communication, and I consider that it would not be proper under the
circumstances for me to agree to a course of action which would present
to the House a simple proposition for the repeal of the internal revenue
tax on tobacco, snuff and cigars, to the exclusion of all other measures
for the reduction of taxation." The letter closed by "sincerely hoping
that some plan may yet be devised which will enable the House to
consider the whole subject of revenue reduction."

No one was less of an autocrat in temper and habit of thought than
Speaker Carlisle, and he assumed this position in deference to
a recognized function of his office, supported by a long line of
precedents. The case was, therefore, a signal illustration of the way
in which the House has impaired its ability to consider legislation by
claiming the exclusive privilege of proposing legislation. If the rules
had allowed the President to propose his measures directly to the House,
then the way would have been opened for a substitute or an amendment. As
it was, the House was able to act only upon matters within the control
of a few persons advantageously posted, and none of the changes of rules
that have been made from time to time have seriously disturbed this
fundamental situation.

Notwithstanding the new rules adopted in December, 1885, nothing of
importance was accomplished by the House. On February 15, 1886, William
R. Morrison introduced a tariff bill making