lic life, he had borne
himself as became a soldier whose battles were already fought. Webster
had written of him: "General Jackson's manners are more presidential
than those of any other candidate. He is grave, mild, and reserved."
But now he was once more the Jackson of the tavern brawl, of the
Dickinson duel. Politics had come to be a fight, and his friends had no
more need to urge him on. He resigned his place in the Senate, and was
at once, for the second time, nominated for President by the Tennessee
legislature. With untiring industry and great political shrewdness,
Lewis, Eaton, Benton, Livingston, and others of his friends set to work
to get him elected. The campaign of 1824 was no sooner ended than the
campaign of 1828 was begun.
It was an important campaign because it went far to divide the old
Republican party, to which all the candidates of 1824 had belonged, into
the two parties which were to battle for supremacy throughout the next
quarter of a century. The division was partly a matter of principles and
policies, but it was also a matter of organization.
As to principles and measures, Adams was disposed to revive those
policies which the old Federalist party had adopted in the days of its
power. He had left that party in 1808, not because he had given up its
early principles, but because he believed that its leaders, particularly
in New England, in their bitter opposition to Jefferson, had gone to the
point where opposition to the party in power passes into disloyalty to
the country. In the Republican party he always acted with those men who,
like Henry Clay, favored a strong government at Washington and looked
with distrust on any attempt of a State to set up its own powers against
the powers of the United States. As President, he wished the government
to take vigorous measures for defense, for developing the country by
internal improvements, for protecting American industries by heavy
duties on goods imported from other countries. He thought that the
public lands should be sold at the highest prices they would bring, and
the money used by the general government to promote the public welfare.
He had no doubt as to the government's power to maintain a national
bank, and thought that was the very best way to manage the finances.
Jackson himself was not a free-trader, and had committed himself to a
"proper" tariff on protection lines; but during the campaign he was made
to appear less of a tariff man th
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