re bound to go South to put down any
insurrection among the slaves. They were bound and pledged to do this
when required. The youth of Pennsylvania had pledged themselves to go
to the Southern states to annihilate the blacks in case they asserted
their rights--the rights of every human being--to be free. So also was
it in New York, and in the other free states, and yet we are to be
told that slavery is not a national question. The whole Union was
bound to crush the slave, who, standing on the ashes of Washington
said, he ought to be, and would be free. Yes, Northern bayonets would
give that slave a speedy manumission from his galling yoke, by sending
him in his gore, where the wicked cease from troubling and the weary
are at rest. Yet it is not a national question! Sixth--The North is
taxed to keep up troops in the South to overawe and terrify the slave;
and yet it is not a national question! Seventh--Mr. Breckinridge has
shown in a letter published by him, that the Congress has the power to
put an end to the international slave trade, and yet this trade goes
on in America. Mr. B. well knows that at least one hundred thousand
human beings--slaves--change hands annually; he must have seen the
slaves driven in coffles through his own beloved state, to be sold
like cattle at Washington and Alexandria; he knows that thousands of
Virginia and Maryland slaves are sold at New Orleans yearly, and yet
he tells us that slavery is not a national question! Eighth--How did
they admit Missouri into the Union with slaves? Were they Southern
votes which admitted it? No! But they were the votes of recreant New
Englanders--false to the principles of freedom, who sold the honor of
their country, and with it the liberty of thousands of human beings in
Missouri--or at least consented to their bondage. And yet it is not a
national question! He (Mr. T.) would last refer to the remarks of a
constitutional lawyer, who was able, eloquent, sincere, and high
minded. Mr. T. then read the following extract:--

Such thoughts (referring to the judgments to be expected)
habitually crowd upon me when I contemplate those great
personal and NATIONAL evils, from which the system of
operations (vis., the movements of the Colonization Society)
which I stand here to advocate, seems to offer us some
prospect of deliverance.

From that day (1698) till the present, there have flourished
in our country, men of large and just view