t, the period of the present war; and the
last, the power of sequestration, we have abandoned for ever: every
other article of the treaty of commerce is temporary; this perpetual.

I shall not enter into a discussion of the immorality of sequestering
private property. What can be more immoral than war; or plundering on
the high seas, legalized under the name of privateering? Yet
self-defence justifies the first, and the necessity of the case may, at
least in some instances, and where it is the only practicable mode of
warfare left to a nation, apologize even for the last. In the same
manner, the power of sequestration may be resorted to, as the last
weapon of self-defence, rather than to seek redress by an appeal to
arms. It is the last peace measure that can be taken by a nation; but
the treaty, by declaring, that in case of national differences it shall
not be resorted to, has deprived us of the power of judging of its
propriety, has rendered it an act of hostility, and has effectually
taken off that restraint, which a fear of its exercise laid upon Great
Britain.

Thus it appears that by the treaty we have promised full compensation to
England for every possible claim they may have against us, that we have
abandoned every claim of a doubtful nature, and that we have consented
to receive the posts, our claim to which was not disputed, under new
conditions and restrictions never before contemplated; that after having
obtained by those concessions an adjustment of past differences, we have
entered into a new agreement, unconnected with those objects, which have
heretofore been subjects of discussion between the two nations; and that
by this treaty of commerce and navigation, we have obtained no
commercial advantage which we did not enjoy before, we have obtained no
security against future aggressions, no security in favor of the freedom
of our navigation, and we have parted with every pledge we had in our
hands, with every power of restriction, with every weapon of
self-defence which is calculated to give us any security.

From the review I have taken of the treaty, and the opinions I have
expressed, it is hardly necessary for me to add, that I look upon the
instrument as highly injurious to the interests of the United States,
and that I earnestly wish it never had been made; but whether in its
present stage the House ought to refuse to carry it into effect, and
what will be the probable consequences of a refusal, is