the Sydney Parliament, they would
have appeared models of decorum, at any rate until quite recently. No
New Zealand debater would be held great in England, but seven or eight
would be called distinctly good. The House supports a strong Speaker,
but is disposed to bully weakness in the chair.

For the last thirty years the Maori race has returned four members
to the House. They usually speak through an interpreter. In spite of
that, when discussing native questions they often show themselves
fluent and even eloquent. Outside local and private bills, nearly all
important legislation is conducted by Government. Private members
often profess to put this down to the jealousy and tyranny of
Ministers, but the truth is that Parliament, as a whole, has always
been intolerant of private members' bills. There is no direct personal
corruption. If the House were as free from small-minded jealousy and
disloyalty as it is from bribery and idleness, it would be a very
noble assembly. In character, the politicians have been at least equal
to the average of their fellow-colonists. But party ties are much
looser than in England. Members will sometimes support Governments for
what they can get for their districts, or leave them because they
have not been given a portfolio. Attempts to form a third party are
incessant but unsuccessful. Ministries, if not strangled at the
birth--as was the "Clean Shirt" Cabinet--usually last for three years.
Since August, 1884, there have virtually been but two changes of the
party in power. Reconstructions owing to death or retirement of a
Premier have now and then added to the number of apparently new
Cabinets. Of the seven or eight Ministers who make up a Cabinet, four
or five are usually able and overworked men. The stress of New Zealand
public life has told on many of her statesmen. Beside Governor Hobson,
McLean, Featherston, Crosbie Ward, Atkinson and Ballance died in
harness, and Hall had to save his life by resigning. Most of the
Colony's leaders have lived and died poor men. Parliaments are
triennial, and about one-third of the constituencies are pretty
certain to return new members at a general election. All the elections
take place on one day, and if a member--even the leader of a
party--loses his seat, he may be cut out for years. This is a
misfortune, as experience is a quality of which the House is apt to
run short. Block votes frequently prevent elections from being fought
on the practical