allot.

"Row, brothers, row, the stream runs fast,
The rapids are near----"

But the daylight was not yet past for this Tom Moore. He could see
ahead.

"I have seen Moore," says a close observer of him for two years, "faced
by labour opponents in a number of Western cities. In all the howling
he has never lost his temper or his dignity."

It would have been so much easier for this man to lose his temper,
except that he knew it would be harder at the end when he had to face
his own steady rank and file accusing him of poor chieftainship. It
would have been so much easier to compromise with the preachers of
glittering formulae, except that in the settling up he would have to
justify himself to those who suspected him of defection.

Moore stuck to the commonplace business of wages and hours and
agreements. He had no head for the poetry of Utopias. He knew, as he
knows, that wages are the chief item of cost in all commodities, and
that no matter what form of capitalism you choose, whether embodied in
a Soviet or in a close corporation of dividends, wages of labour must
be paid. He knows that prices of living and of labour are almost
convertible. Amid all the howling and paeaning for a better day, for
the new life, for the heaven upon earth, for the glorification of the
proletariat, he could stand hard and fast by the common necessity of
sticking to an agreement and as fast as possible bettering conditions.

We have heard independent observers say that the Reds have always shown
a grasp of the new life, while the Trades Union men were crawling along
with the uninspired programme of wages and hours; that the Reds were
the sacrificing idealists and the Unionists the selfish Tories who
wanted nothing more than to slowly improve their condition. Well, the
logic of events seems to show that in the long run the Moores have the
gospel. One scarcely cares to think what might have happened in
Canadian industry and common living had Tom Moore given way to the Reds
who came at him from almost every quarter.

At the 1920 Congress Moore had the old-fashioned courage to ask the new
Premier of Canada, Arthur Meighen, to address the delegates. Of all
men, the man who prosecuted the leaders of the Winnipeg Strike was the
last to say anything to organized labour about milleniums or about
anything more Utopian than a common agreement between labour and
capital for the good of all. Moore had no fear. He believed that h