ct with Mussulmans, in
all parts of the world. All the slow-moving patience of Russian and
French diplomacy for centuries, all the long struggles of the Crusades
have been robbed of their garnered fruits in a few months. German
policy has overthrown all their influence, destroyed all their approach
works, released Europe's vassal from all his promises and obligations.
The Sick Man, cured by a quack who holds his health in pawn, has bound
himself body and soul to his healer.

Greece, frequently hesitating in her policy between British and French
sympathies, has nothing to hope for in the future from Turkophil
Germany. William II will make her recovery a matter of limitations and
bargaining. And who knows but that the strange proceedings of Prince
Constantine and of the royal princes, his brothers, may not be
explained by secret promises for the future--promises made by the
German Emperor in return for blind submission to his will?

William II holds Turkey in the hollow of his hand. Byzantium and Rome
are vassals of a German monarch. If Rome is threatened with ruin by
her alliance with the King of Prussia, Byzantium is restored by a new
Caraculla. William II is, therefore, twice entitled to wear the sphere
with the Imperial crown atop, as the emblem of his sovereign power and
as the imitator of the Roman Emperor. And notwithstanding the
Anti-Christ protection which he extends to the infidel, he can also
affix the Cross to his sphere. Is he not about to take possession, in
theatrical fashion, of the Holy Places?

Turkey has been restored by the Kaiser of Berlin. He is her Emperor,
her Khalif, Master of the Holy Places, for the reason that his most
humble servant is Emperor, Khalif and Master of the Holy Places. So
long as all these titles and powers lay in weak hands, the dangers of
Turkish policy, if not the anxieties it created, might be disregarded.
But today the military strength of Turkey is firmly established and it
is supported by another tremendous Power. Russia and France have never
committed an act of graver imprudence than to allow these two forces to
unite. Germany, Germany, ever and ever greater! The German song is no
longer a dead letter.

It was by guile that simulated liberal and democratic ideas, that
Bismarck prepared public opinion in the German Confederation for union
with Prussia. We, too, believed in the liberalism of Germans and of
Bismarck before 1870, and herein we proved ourse