risee. The change it contemplates would come gently
as the dews of heaven, not rending or wrecking anything. Will you not
embrace it? So much good has not been done by one effort in all past
time, as in the providence of God it is now your high privilege to do.
May the vast future not have to lament that you neglected it."

This persuasive attitude and reluctance to force the issue had greatly
displeased the Abolitionists. Their most gifted orator, Wendell
Phillips, reviled Lincoln with all the power of his literary genius,
and with a fury that might be called malevolent. Meanwhile, a Second
Confiscation Act proclaimed freedom for the slaves of all those who
supported the Confederate Government. Horace Greeley now published in
the "New York Tribune" an editorial entitled, "The Prayer of Twenty
Millions." He denounced Lincoln's treatment of Fremont and Hunter and
demanded radical action. Lincoln replied in a letter now famous. "I
would save the Union," said he, "I would save it the shortest way under
the Constitution.... If I could save the Union without freeing any
slave, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving
others alone, I would also do that. What I do about slavery and the
colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union; and
what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save
the Union."

However, at the very time when he wrote this remarkable letter, he had
in his own mind entered upon the third stage of his policy. He had
even then discussed with his Cabinet an announcement favoring general
emancipation. The time did not seem to them ripe. It was decided to wait
until a Federal victory should save the announcement from appearing
to be a cry of desperation. Antietam, which the North interpreted as a
victory, gave Lincoln his opportunity.

The Emancipation Proclamation applied only to the States in arms against
the Federal Government. Such States were given three months in which to
return to the Union. Thereafter, if they did not return, their slaves
would be regarded by that Government as free. No distinction was made
between slaves owned by supporters of the Confederacy and those whose
owners were in opposition to it. The Proclamation had no bearing on
those slave States which had not seceded. Needless to add, no
seceded State returned, and a second Proclamation making their slaves
theoretically free was in due time issued on the first of January, 1