ertainly the abolition of all obligatory labour and
money dues, and perhaps the complete ejectment of the proprietors. On
this latter point there was a difference of opinion. All assumed, as a
matter of course, that the Communal land would remain the property of
the Commune, but it was not so clear what would be done with the rest
of the estate. Some thought that it would be retained by the proprietor,
but very many believed that all the land would be given to the Communes.
In this way the Emancipation would be in accordance with historical
right and with the material advantage of the peasantry, for whose
exclusive benefit, it was assumed, the reform had been undertaken.

Instead of this the peasants found that they were still to pay dues,
even for the Communal land which they regarded as unquestionably their
own. So at least said the expounders of the law. But the thing was
incredible. Either the proprietors must be concealing or misinterpreting
the law, or this was merely a preparatory measure, which would be
followed by the real Emancipation. Thus were awakened among the
peasantry a spirit of mistrust and suspicion and a widespread belief
that there would be a second Imperial Manifesto, by which all the land
would be divided and all the dues abolished.

On the nobles the Manifesto made a very different impression. The
fact that they were to be entrusted with the putting of the law into
execution, and the flattering allusions made to the spirit of generous
self-sacrifice which they had exhibited, kindled amongst them enthusiasm
enough to make them forget for a time their just grievances and their
hostility towards the bureaucracy. They found that the conditions on
which the Emancipation was effected were by no means so ruinous as
they had anticipated; and the Emperor's appeal to their generosity
and patriotism made many of them throw themselves with ardour into the
important task confided to them.

Unfortunately they could not at once begin the work. The law had been
so hurried through the last stages that the preparations for putting
it into execution were by no means complete when the Manifesto was
published. The task of regulating the future relations between the
proprietors and the peasantry was entrusted to local proprietors in
each district, who were to be called Arbiters of the Peace (Mirovuiye
Posredniki); but three months elapsed before these Arbiters could be
appointed. During that time there was no one to