e
city to join them in sending the memorial. The Lord Advocate having
apparently suggested doubts as to the extent of their ancient powers
or privileges in the direction contemplated, Smith was appointed,
along with the Principal and one or two other professors, as a special
committee of inquiry into the ancient privileges and constitution of
the University, and the Principal was instructed meanwhile to express
to his lordship the earnest desire of the University to prevent the
establishment of a playhouse. While this inquiry was proceeding, the
magistrates of the city, on their part, had determined, with the
concurrence of a large body of the inhabitants, to raise an action at
law against the players if they should attempt to act plays in the new
theatre, and at a meeting over which Smith presided, and in whose
action he concurred, the University agreed to join the magistrates in
this prosecution. The agitation against the playhouse was still
proceeding when Smith resigned his chair in 1764, but shortly
afterwards, finding itself without any legal support, it gradually
died away. The part Smith took in this agitation may seem to require a
word of explanation, for he not only entertained no objection to
theatrical representations, but was so deeply impressed with their
beneficial character that in the _Wealth of Nations_ he specially
recommends them for positive encouragement by the State, and expressly
dissociates himself from those "fanatical promoters of popular
frenzies" who make dramatic representations "more than all other
diversions the objects of their peculiar abhorrence." The State
encouragement he wants is nothing in the nature of the endowment of a
national theatre, which is sometimes demanded nowadays. All the
encouragement he asks for is liberty--"entire liberty to all those who
from their own interest would attempt, without scandal or indecency,
to amuse and divert the people by painting, poetry, music, dancing, by
all sorts of dramatic representations and exhibitions." But in
pressing for this liberty, he expresses the strongest conviction that
"the frequency and gaiety of public diversions" is absolutely
essential for the good of the commonwealth, in order to "correct
whatever is unsocial or disagreeably rigorous in the morals of all the
little sects into which the country is divided," and to "dissipate
that melancholy and gloomy humour which is almost always the source of
popular superstition and enthu